Traditional recipes

Readers' Choice: More Nominees for America's Most Powerful People in Food

Readers' Choice: More Nominees for America's Most Powerful People in Food


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

When we revealed our ranked listing of "America's 50 Most Powerful People in Food," we invited readers to give us their own nominations — folks we didn't include but possibly should have. We tabulated the results of the many suggestions we received from comments on our own site and several others that ran the story and from our Twitter and Facebook pages.

It’s worth reiterating the guidelines that we set for ourselves while working on this project. One, the members of the list had to be based in the U.S. and major influencers of the American food-scape. That meant no Ferran Adrià, Gordon Ramsay, or Hu Jintao. Second, the people had to be living, non-fictional, and their effect on American diets had to highlight food, rather than beverage, thereby excluding Julia Child, Ruth Bourdain, and Howard Schultz, CEO of Starbucks.

Our disclaimer: This is not a roster of people we necessarily like or whose actions we necessarily approve of, i.e., this is not a list of our favorite people. These 50 are powerful in the food world for better or for worse, and for that reason we welcome our readers to examine and question why executives like Hugh Grant of Monsanto rank so highly.

Engaging in debate over who controls what we eat is of utmost importance to us, and it’s heartening that enough readers care about what’s on their plate to deliberate with such passion. With that, we reveal your picks for the most powerful people in food.

Readers' Most Nominated Powerful People in Food:

#1 Mark Bittman, Food Writer and Cookbook Author
His “Minimalist” column in The New York Times' Dining Section will be retired this Wednesday (you wonder how they will use the space), but Bittman's getting an even more treasured spot, a column in The Times' Op-Ed pages. He has published 17 books in his career. He is a regular guest on the Today Show. And he has hosted two PBS series about food and travel.

#1 Anthony Bourdain, Food Writer and TV Personality (tie)
Whether as a chef, author, and television personality, Anthony Bourdain is known for his edgy appeal. His show, Anthony Bourdain: No Reservations just wrapped up its 6th season.

#2 Jamie Oliver, Chef-Restaurateur and TV Personality
Oliver has used his fame and success as a British chef and television personality to become an activist for the improvement of children's diets. In 2010, he was awarded the TED Prize for his contributions in this arena.

#3 Marion Nestle, Nutritionist and Educator
Nestle is a professor of nutrition, food studies, and public health at New York University. She writes the Food Matters column for the San Francisco Chronicle and is the author of five books.

#4 Alton Brown, TV Personality
Brown is an award-winning cookbook author, writer, and television producer, who is best known for his encyclopedia-like food knowledge. He can be seen all over Food Network, starring in Good Eats, or hosting Iron Chef America and The Next Iron Chef.

#4 Jacques Pépin, Chef (tie)
Renowned French chef whose work as a best-selling cookbook author and television show host has had a profound influence on the food industry over the past several decades. He currently presides as Dean of Special Programs at the French Culinary Institute and contributes a quarterly column for Food & Wine magazine.

More Honorable Mentions:

Mike Adams
Lidia Bastianich
Rick Bayless
Bobo Bergstrom
Frank Bruni
Giuliano Bugialli
Laura Calder
T. Colin Campbell
David Chang
Bill Clinton
Doug Conant
Ann Cooper
Dana Cowin
Giada De Laurentiis
Tom Douglas
Geoffrey Drummond
Judith Evans
Bobby Flay
Ina Garten
Bill Gates
"Grandma"
Gael Greene
Marcella Hazan
Ferd Hoefner
Arianna Huffington
Steve Jenkins
Farmer Lee Jones
Emeril Lagasse
Padma Lakshmi
Howard Lyman
Tony May
Max McCalman
Kathleen Merrigan
Ferdinand Metz
"Mom"
Russ Morash
Eileen Opatut
Gordon Ramsay
Eric Ripert
Joshua Rosenthal
Michael Ruhlman
Tim Ryan
Joel Salatin
Merrill Shindler
Reese Schonfeld
Howard Schultz
Dr. Barry Sears
Nancy Silverton
Michele Simon
Steven Starr
Michael Symon
Gary Taubes
Gloria Tsang
S. Irene Virbila
Dr. Andrew Weil
Patricia Wells
Chuck Williams


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


How Trump has tipped the scales in America's most powerful courts

T he US supreme court may be the highest in the land, but because of the small number of cases it hears each year, justice usually does not get that far. Final rulings in the vast majority of federal lawsuits are issued one tier lower, in the 13 appeals courts spread across the country.

And this is now where key policy questions increasingly land, because partisanship has slowed legislative dealmaking in the United States in recent years.

It is in these appeals courts where judges serving lifetime appointments have extraordinary power over issues as public as the climate crisis and as private as the right to choose.

That longer-term trend has converged with a much more recent development: Donald Trump’s appointment of a record number of appeals court judges installed with unprecedented speed, as part of a grand project coordinated with conservative legal activists to remake the federal bench for generations to come. Nearly 30% of the 179 active circuit court judges are now Trump appointees.

Owing to this extraordinary push, the ideological makeup of the courts has slowly tipped in a conservative direction. Since 2017, three of the courts have “flipped” from a majority of judges appointed by a Democratic president to a Republican-appointment majority.

The US court of appeals for the eleventh circuit, which oversees cases in Florida, Alabama and Georgia, has gone from an 8-3 majority of judges appointed by Democrats, with one vacancy, to a 7-5 majority of judges appointed by Republicans.

Elsewhere, Trump has “flipped” the second and third Circuits, and he has effectively flipped a fourth court, the ninth circuit, some analysts think.

“I still like to think there’s a bottom line for even conservative Trump appointees on the court of appeals, that there’s a line there that they won’t cross over, that we’ll remain a country of laws and not men,” said Sheldon Goldman, a professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst who focuses on the federal bench. “But who knows?”

Together the ninth, eleventh and fifth circuit courts decide thousands of cases a year with broad repercussions for daily life in America. Here’s a look at how the three courts are changing under Trump.


Watch the video: Doku in HD Leckeres für lau - Warum Menschen Lebensmittel teilen (June 2022).


Comments:

  1. Roderik

    You allow the mistake. I can prove it. Write to me in PM, we will handle it.

  2. Nagami

    It is very a pity to me, that I can help nothing to you. But it is assured, that you will find the correct decision. Do not despair.

  3. Doutaur

    Exactly you are right

  4. Xavian

    Something fashionable nowadays.

  5. Moogugal

    I can advise you on this issue and specially registered to participate in the discussion.



Write a message